Deep and surface zeros in Japhug person agreement

Abstract

This paper explores the interaction between the syntax and morphology of agreement, using Japhug (Trans-Himalayan) as a case study. The complex agreement paradigm in Japhug provides evidence that not all non-overt realizations of formal features are equal. Specifically, two types of zeros are needed in morphological theory to account for the paradigm: a surface zero—a phonologically null exponent, and a deep zero—the non-insertion of vocabulary items.